The structure of the syllable.
The system of vowels and the characteristics of individual sounds.
Reflexes of nasal vowels. Alternations in Old Russian and Modern Russian languages associated with the fate of nasals.
The beginning of a word in Old Russian.
The consonant system of the Old Russian language in comparison with the consonant system of the modern Russian language.
Phonetic features of words of non-Slavic origin.
Correlative phonetic features of East Slavic (Old Russian) and South Slavic (Old Slavonic) origin of words.
The structure of the syllable
For the phonetic system of the Old Russian language of the X-XI centuries, as well as for other Slavic languages of this period, 2 regularities related to the structure of the syllable were characteristic: to the homogeneity of sounds in a syllable from the point of view of their place of formation, or the law of syllabic vowel harmony (ZSS).
According to the ZOS, all syllables in Old Russian words had to end with the most sonorous sound, i.e., a vowel: d-n, brother-t, not-sti, se-stra. But another requirement of this law was the concealment of the syllable: the syllable (and the word) had to begin with a consonant. The ideal syllable structure looked like this: ta-ta-ta, where [t] is any consonant sound, [a] is any vowel. If there were several consonants inside the syllable, then they formed a sequence in increasing sonority, for example: sta-ro-hundred, life, gra-mo-ta. The sonority scale of consonants can be represented as follows: voiceless fricatives - voiceless plosives and affricates - voiced fricatives - voiced plosives - [v] and [j] - sonorous (see Table 14. "The arrangement of sounds of the Old Russian language in ascending sonority" in the 3rd parts of this manual).
ZSS also limited the compatibility of sounds within a syllable. For example, always hard back-lingual consonants [r], [k], [x] could not be combined with front vowels and, moreover, with [j]. Such combinations experienced changes even in the Proto-Slavic period, which led to the appearance of soft hissing and whistling sounds in place of the back lingual ones, [*j] was assimilated by new soft consonants. The rest of the hard consonants could also be combined with front vowels, retaining their quality, but at the same time acquiring semi-softness (), adapting to the front articulation of vowels. Next to [*j], softening, only sonorants [*r, *l, *n] retained their quality, the rest experienced transitional mitigations, [*j] was not preserved in all cases.
All these processes (the restructuring of syllables in accordance with the requirements of the basic laws) occurred in the Proto-Slavic period. In the Old Russian language of the written period, patterns continued to characterize the structure of the syllable, but no longer caused noticeable phonetic processes.
Of course, the syllabic structure of not all the words recorded by ancient Russian monuments corresponded to the basic laws. There were also deviations, for example, in borrowed words the principle of increasing sonority or compatibility in the proximity of articulation could be violated ( pa-skha, A-le-xa-ndr, ki-pa-ri-s, le-gi-o-n and etc.). According to such violations, it is possible to formulate the phonetic features of borrowed words: non-Russian and non-Slavic. (See below for details.)
There was another group of words in the Old Russian language in which the ideal syllabic structure was violated - these are not borrowed, but native words with the combination “reduced vowel before a smooth consonant”, or tbrt- , For example vl-k, sr-p, vir-x, styl-p, tar-g etc. These common Slavic (hereinafter - o.sl.) combinations were reflected in different ways in Slavic dialects. In the Old Slavonic language, in such words, a smooth consonant was the syllable-forming one, the vowel sound was lost, changes occurred in the South Slavic dialect (hereinafter referred to as YS) under the influence of ZOS. In the East Slavic dialect, these combinations did not change, remaining in the Old Russian language (hereinafter - OE) of the beginning of the written period, in contradiction with the ZOS. As you know, in a language it is not always possible to sort out all the facts on the shelves, the existence of deviations and exceptions contains the seed of the further development of the language. (Compare the point of view - about the syllabic character and East Slavic smooth consonants in these combinations in the book: Borkovsky V.I., Kuznetsov P.S. Historical grammar of the Russian language.)
Along the way, it must be said that in the East Slavic dialect (hereinafter - V.S.) combinations * tblt- and * tblt- even in the pre-literate period coincided in one combination * tblt-. This was due to the special nature of the East Slavic sound [* l], which was labiovelar: front vowel [* b] moved under the influence of a hard and rounded smooth to the zone of the non-front row and coincided with [ *b]. Wed Russian wolf< др.р. вълкb < о.сл. *vьlkos, что находит соответствие, например, в литовском vilkas.
The same labiovelarity [ * l] caused the labialization of the front vowel [ *e] combined with o.sl. * telt- > v.sl. * tolt- > tolot-. For example, milk< др.р. молоко < др. вост.сл. *molko < о.сл. *melkos в соответствии со ст.сл. млÝко. Ср. нем. Milch - «молоко», melken - «доить корову».
Vowel system and characteristics of individual sounds
The system of vowels of the Old Russian language of the X-XI centuries. can be represented as follows:
Row: front non-front
Climb:
upper I Y Y
average E b b O
lower Ä A
Comparing the Old Russian system with the Old Slavonic, inherited from the common Slavic proto-language, we note the main differences: in the Old Russian of this period there are no more nasals. Non-front nasal vowel [ Q] coincided with the vowel [ at], and the nasal front vowel [ ę ] gave a special front row phoneme< a> (or [ä]). In addition, the vowel [Ý] in OE was a high-mid closed vowel [ ê ], while in the st. it was an open low vowel [ æ ]. Otherwise, the systems of both languages coincided.
Wed (o.s. = st.s.):
*E *Ę *b *b *O *Q
Special notes require sounds that were subsequently lost, for example, reduced ones. They were characteristic of all ancient Slavic languages. Character [ b] and [ b] is established on the basis that in a weak position they showed an early tendency to lose. Weak and strong positions for the reduced in Old Russian were the same as in Old Slavonic. Strong positions: 1) under stress, for example, db -nb , withb -nb ; 2) in monosyllabic words, such as tb , withb , nb ; 3) in a syllable before a weak reduced - bb -Rb -inb -well; 4) in combinations before smooth (special case) - inb rxb , Pb l-nb , withb rdb tse, sb r-ka-lo, pb r-you-i, db r-ms-ty, inb r-ba etc. (regardless of accent). Weak positions: 1) end of word - houseb ; 2) before a syllable with a full vowel - db -nya, withb -on the; 3) before a syllable with a strong reduced - wellb -nb -tsb .
Reduced vowels [b] and [b] also had positional variants - reduced sounds [ s] and [ and]. As in the old word, they appeared in special positions, for example, in combination [ b] and [ b] with [j]: in the endings of full adjectives m. unit - red- b+j b> red sand, young b+j b> young sand; syn- b+j b> blue andand. In a combination of vowels [s] and [and] a complete formation with [j], reduced [ s] and [ and]: we-ti, [m s-ju] > m s yu > mine; li-ti, [l and-ju] > l and yu > liu; [w b ja] > neck. They also had strong and weak positions. (For more on this, see Topic II.) The further fate of the reduced [ s] and [ and] in Old Russian is different from their changes in Old Church Slavonic. There were no special letters for their designation in the alphabet, so they were denoted by letters b and b or s and and.
In the vowel system of the Old Russian language there was one more special phoneme of the front row, which was lost in all its dialects -< ä >, ascending to o.sl. [*ę]. This phoneme appeared in a limited group of words and forms, for example, [m˙äta], [m˙äso], [p˙ät˙], [beginning], lu[b˙ät˙b]. It did not last long - from the middle of the X century. until the end of the 11th century, until the softening of semi-soft consonants, after which it coincided with the non-front vowel [ a].
Thus, in the Old Russian language of the X-XI centuries. there were no nasal vowels. They were lost, coinciding with non-nasal vowels [ at] and [ a], For example, hand, tooth, five, reap. The vowels [y] and [a] in the roots of these words can be called reflexes of the nasal vowels [*Q] and [*ę].
The nasals have been lost by most Slavic languages. Only the Polish and Kashubian languages have preserved them, and their quality does not always correspond to the o.sl. nasal, for example, st.sl. ð1êÀ, Ç1Áú, ï0Òü - in Polish. ręka, ząb, pięć.
Reflexes of nasal vowels. Alternations in Old Russian and Russian associated with the fate of nasal
As it was pointed out, nasal vowels were lost in the Old Russian language even in the pre-literate period, but traces of their former existence have been preserved in modern Russian, which is manifested in certain alternations of sounds. Alternation is a regular change of sounds within one morpheme - prefix, root, suffix or ending. Internal reconstruction helps to restore the original form of the morpheme, which is based on a comparative study of the facts of one language in one chronological section (in this case, the modern Russian language). At the same time, the synchronous identity of morphemes with alternation, for example, of the roots of related words, is considered as a diachronic identity, i.e. going back to a common source. In other words, by comparing alternations in a morpheme, one can restore its original appearance. For example, the modern alternation ['a] / [m] / [im] in cognate words vz-i-t - vz-(b) m-y - vz-im-at allows us to conclude that the original root had a front vowel with a nasal element [*im-].
Recall how the nasals appeared in the o.sl. language. (See the table of the origin of vowels in the 3rd part of this manual.) Combinations [*on], [*om], [*en], [*em], [*in], [*im], i.e. . “vowel + nasal consonant”, in the position before the consonant, according to the law of an open syllable, monophthongized, formed a nasal vowel [*Q] or [*ę], thus the syllable opened. In the position before the vowel, there was no monophthogization, the combination “vowel + nasal consonant” was preserved, this led to the appearance of o.sl. alternations: [*ę] / [*im] / [*ьm]; [*ę] / [*in] / [*нn]; or [*Q] / [*on] (cf. st.word: æ 0 -ÒÈ – ïî-Æ ÈÌ -ÀÒÈ– Æ üì -one; Æ 0 -ÒÈ – ïî-Æ ÈÍ -ÀÒÈ- Æ üÍ -one; Ç 1 Êú - Ç îÍ ú).
After the loss of nasal vowels and phonemes by the Old Russian language< ä >alternations appeared in the front row, reflecting the reflexes of nasal vowels, for example: me-ti - mn-u(['a] / [b]); zha-ti - in-zhin-ati - zhn-u(['a] / [in] / [b]); sound - call([y] / [he]). In the words of the modern Russian language, these alternations are preserved, which makes it possible to determine the original sound composition of morphemes. Wed: beginning a-lo - start in-at - start n-y; well a you - well n-u - please in-ayu; zan I-th - zan them-at - zay m-y; time I- time en and; above at-th - d th- above m-enny; sv at to - star is he- sound en-et - zv I kat. In the last example in a series of alternations - reflexes of nasal vowels [y] / ['a]< [*Q] / [*ę].
Often intermediate links (vowel + nasal consonant) in the chain of alternations are lost, and only the alternation of nasal reflexes ['a] / [y] remains in the language. This alternation is very unusual, therefore, originally related words cease to be perceived by native speakers as related, semantic ties are weakened and may completely break off. For example, in I zat - at green, at PS; m I tezh, cm I shading - see at there at tny; gr I z, bury I know - c at h, gr at knowing, burying at zit; for example I go, for example I motion, exercise I zhe, sopr I walk - pr at woman, exercise at gui, supr at g (pair of oxen); tr I ska, tr I stis - tr at s, tr at sca; t I ha, t I yellow - t at goy, t at live. In these examples, the semantic closeness is still felt, although it is weakened. But in other cases, the former relationship of words can only be established etymologically, for example: g at stop - h a stoy; sk at bottom - u a child; m I t, m I gky - m at ka; h I b, h I bnut, proz I dad - s at b.
The alternation of nasal reflexes is noted in the suffixes of participles and adjectives and in the endings of verbs. For example, in the suffix real participles present tense - yi- (for verbs 1 sp.) / - ash- (for verbs 2 sp.): alive at schey, by Yu shchy - lying a shchy, mountains I shchy. For adjectives that are by origin Old Russian participles, or formed from verbs at a later time according to a similar model, in the suffix - uch- / -Ah-: alive at whose, mountains Yu chi, drem at whose - lying a whose, mountains I whose. In the verb ending 3 l. plural present temp. - ut(in 1 question) / - at(in 2 questions), for example: id- at t, write- at t, I think Yu t - lie- a t, pro- I t, one hundred I t.
The nasal reflex can also be found in prefixes . So, in the o.sl. there were 3 prefix-prepositions with a nasal consonant: *sъn-,*vъn-,*kъn-. When new words or word forms were formed, they could appear before a consonant, which caused the monophthongization of the diphthongic combination into the vowel [*Q]. Before the vowel, the nasal consonant was preserved, but receded to the root, the prefix or preposition was re-decomposed, that is, the boundaries of the morpheme moved.
In Russian, only one prefix with a nasal reflex has been preserved - this is the prefix su- (with the meaning "accompanying property", "impurity"), but it has already practically merged with the root, in any case, has ceased to be productive, cf .: with at- darkness, with at- measurements, with at tki, with at coffin, with at- clay, with at- mint, with at- blood, with at cleanup (cf. crowd), s at prug, with at post, with at blunt (cf. torso), with at becoming, with at- against, with at labial (compare with-bending, bent).
The re-decomposition of prepositions-prefixes manifested itself: 1) in the declension of the pronoun of the 3rd person: with н+ im > s b n im > s n them; in н+ ih > in b n ih > in n them; to н+ imb > k b n imb > k n them; 2) with verbal word formation: in н-imachi > in b-n imati > in- n have; with н-imachi > with b-n imati > s- n have; in н-ushiti (literally - "put in the ears") > in b-n take in > in n to take in (in the modern Russian language, the attachment has completely grown together with the root, a simplification has occurred); 3) less often in the formation of nouns and adverbs: with n go (food)< др.р. сн go; in n morning< др.р. вн morning, and even n morning (womb).
In all the examples given, the consonant [n] was not originally a root, but was part of a prefix preposition, but as a result of re-decomposition, it moved to the root. And by analogy, it began to appear at the beginning of the root after other prepositions, for example, from n him, before n im oh n eat, for n them; or: when n yat, for n yat, from n yat, re n yat.
Vowels were classified:
- at the place of formation: front vowels (i, e, b, h, #) and non-front vowels (a, o, oy, s, @, b);
- according to the participation of lips: vowels labialized (oh, oh, @) and non-labialized (all the rest);
- by completeness of education: vowels of incomplete education (b, b) and vowels of complete education (all the rest);
- by sound purity: nasal vowels (#, @) and pure vowels (all the rest);
- according to the length of the sound: short vowels (o, e), super-short vowels (b, b) and long vowels (all the rest).
Two vowels - [ s] and [ at] - denoted by two letters: [ s] - ъ i ; [ at] - OU. This spelling was called a ligature.
Reduced vowels and their positions
Reduced vowels are sounds of incomplete formation, super-short. They could be pronounced more or less clearly, depending on the position they occupied in the word. There are two positions of reduced vowels: strong, when they are pronounced relatively distinctly, and weak, when they are hardly pronounced at all. In Old Church Slavonic, vowels were constant reduced b and b in addition, two vowels - s and and could perform in a certain position - if they were in front of and or before j- as reduced.
Reduced vowels
- ъ (extra short vowel [o])
- and ь (extra short vowel [e])
Strong position (marked with a sign b, b) :
Weak position (marked with , ):
Notes
From the second half of the tenth century, reduced vowels begin to be lost. Initially, this process was observed only in relation to reduced b and b. These vowels in a strong position turn into full formation sounds ( b > e, b > o), and in a weak position they are lost: bird-reduced takes a weak position (because it is in front of a syllable with a full vowel), so it is lost; words(them. falling. plural) - the reduced one occupies a strong position (in the first syllable under stress), so it goes into the sound of a complete formation - tears.
Reduced vowels s and and also experienced the process of falling. At the same time, after the loss of the reduced ones (X-XI centuries), strong and and s switched to the sounds of complete education: reduced shock and– into the sound of a complete education e(w u? a - neck) , reduced unstressed and– into the sound of a complete education and (blue i i - blue); shock s moved to about(m~ t - washes), unstresseds- in s(good and kind).
Features of the use of vowels at the beginning of a word
Not all vowels could be used equally at the beginning of a word. According to the peculiarities of the use of vowels at the beginning of a word, they can be divided into two groups:
- words used at the beginning: a, oh, and,@: az, window, iti,@ gl.
- words not used at the beginning: b, e,# , h, b, s, oh. If the word had to begin with these vowels, then a prosthetic consonant developed before the initial vowels: before b, e,# , h – [ j] , before s, oh - [in]. Vowel b could begin a word in the Proto-Slavic period of language development, but in this case a consonant sound also appeared before it j. The resulting combination * jb turned into sound and. From here: * jbmon> im@ – cf. old-timer take@ ; > ty, otter - cf. other ind. udrah, ~ ding, yun, drink. To denote iotized h there was no special letter in the alphabet, so it was transmitted with an ordinary letter h: hhati.
consonant system
According to its composition, the Old Slavonic language had the same consonants that are known to the modern Russian language. However, some of them require special remarks.
Consonants R and l in the Old Slavonic language they could act as syllable-forming, i.e. approach in their sonority to vowel sounds and, like vowels, form a syllable. In the Proto-Slavic era, there was a special icon to indicate their syllable-forming function: * w k ъ, * t g ъ. In the Old Slavonic language, such a sign did not exist, and to designate a syllable-forming function after consonants R and l wrote vowels b or b, although the vowel was pronounced before the consonant: vlk(Russian wolf), trg(Russian auction).
There were two complex consonants in Old Church Slavonic: railway and m, secondary in origin.
The consonants of the Old Church Slavonic language were classified according to the following criteria:
By place and method of education:
|
education |
Place of education |
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anterior lingual |
middle language |
back-lingual |
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explosive |
d–d?t-t? |
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fricatives |
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affricates |
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Notes
2. By hardness / softness: three groups of consonants were distinguished. The first group included consonants, which were always only solid: to, G, X. The second group included consonants, which could only be soft: w, w, w, m , c, h,j. The third group of consonants was divided into two subgroups: a) consonants, which could be hard, soft, and semi-soft: r, l, n. Before non-front vowels, they acted as solid: Nora, low g; before front vowels they became semi-soft: lh sj, neither t; before j they were soft: bow R?a; b) consonants that could be hard and semi-soft: b, p, c, m, e, t, h, s. They were solid before non-front vowels: house, here about god, and before front vowels - semi-soft: zi ma, withhdhti.
3. By deafness / sonority: in the Old Slavonic language there were both deaf and voiced consonants. Their distribution in sonority was the same as in the modern Russian language, however, they did not form correlative pairs, since in the Old Slavonic language there was no position of neutralization (a position in which a voiceless and voiced consonant would coincide in one sound. Compare in the Old Slavonic language h@b- consonant b stands before a vowel ( b) and therefore is in a strong position on the basis of deafness / voicedness; in modern Russian in the word tooth consonant b is at the absolute end of a word, i.e. in a weak position on the basis of deafness / sonority; at the end of the word, the voiced and voiceless consonants coincide in one - voiceless - consonant sound [ P]).
Phonetic processes of the Proto-Slavic era
In the Proto-Slavic language, there were two main phonetic laws that determined the entire phonetic structure of the language: law of syllabic harmony and open syllable law.
The essence of the law syllabic vowel harmony consisted in the fact that only sounds close in their articulation could be combined in a syllable, i.e. hard consonants could only be combined with hard consonants or non-front vowels, and soft consonants could only be combined with soft consonants or front vowels. If sounds of heterogeneous articulation fell within the limits of one syllable, then either the consonant or the vowel changed, leading to their likeness in articulation.
According to the law open syllable, all syllables had to be open, i.e. end in a syllabic element. In the Proto-Slavic language, all vowels were syllabic, as well as smooth * r, * l, if they had a syllable-forming function: * w/ chb, *w/ wb(these words have two syllables, both syllables are open, because they end in a syllable-forming element).
In addition, by law open syllable all sounds in a syllable had to be arranged according to the principle of increasing sonority, i.e. in this order:
consonant had the least sonority with; then the rest came voiceless consonants; then voiced consonants; followed by consonants R, L and finally vowels.
For example: *no-ga; *se-stra.
If the law of the open syllable was violated, then transformations took place in the syllable.
Changes in the Proto-Slavic period associated with the operation of the law of syllabic vowel harmonism
In the Proto-Slavic era, often consonants that could not be soft ended up in a position before front vowels or before a soft consonant * j. This violated the law of syllabic vowel harmony, and the consonants underwent a transformation: they changed their quality and turned into soft consonants (they are usually called secondary).
In the history of the Slavic languages, two mitigations (palatalizations) to, r, x are distinguished: the first mitigation is the transition to soft hissing consonants, the second mitigation is the transition to soft whistling consonants. The first and second softening took place in different eras: the first softening was earlier, and the second softening was a later process associated with the monophthongization of diphthongs.
The change in consonants under the influence of * j was also not only a manifestation of a tendency to soften, but also one of the manifestations of the law of an open syllable, since when a consonant sound was placed before * j in the Proto-Slavic language, a closed syllable appeared: * nos - ja.
The first softening (palatalization) of back-lingual consonants k, g, x
The first mitigation k, g, x is understood as their transition before the front vowels into soft hissing consonants: k> h", g> g", x> w ": * tichina > silence; * nog ь ka > leg; * reket ъ > speech.
The second mitigation (palatalization) of back-lingual consonants k, g, x
The second palatalization is a change in back-lingual consonants into soft whistling ones: k> c", g> z", x> s ". It could occur under two conditions.
The first condition: back-lingual ones turned into soft binders if they appeared before the front vowels and and h, formed from Proto-Slavic diphthongs (and< * e , h < * o , a ): * druge >drugi > drowsy; * pastuche > pastuchi > pastousi; * ka na > k h na > q h on.
The second condition: back-lingual ones turned into soft whistling ones if they appeared after the vowels ь, и, #: * star ь k ъ > old; * k u ning ъ > ґн # зь.
The back-lingual consonants k, g, x could not be combined with the Proto-Slavic * j, since they were always only hard, and * j - only a soft consonant. If, nevertheless, such a combination appeared in a word, then it violated the law of syllabic vowel harmonism and the back-lingual consonants changed their quality, passing, just as during the first palatalization, into soft sibilants: k> h", r> zh", x> sh " : * duchja > dousha; * drugjon > drouz @ ; * sekja > cutting.
In addition to back-lingual consonants, some more consonant sounds in the Proto-Slavic and Old Slavonic languages could not be soft and, being in front of * j, changed their quality. So, the whistling consonants z and s in the position before * j turned into soft hissing ones: * z + j > j "; * s + j > sh": * nosja > burden; nozj ь > knife.
The labial consonants b, p, c, m also could not be soft and in the position before * j, highlighting the intercalary consonant l ", formed combinations bl", vl", pl", ml ": * korabj ь > ship; * zemja > land; * lowja > fishing; * zatopjen ъ > flooded.
The front-lingual consonants d and t could also only be hard and semi-soft, therefore, being in front of * j, they changed their quality and turned into other sounds. Since the process of their transformation took place after the 6th century, that is, after the collapse of the Proto-Slavic language into groups of dialects, the result of the change in different Slavic languages turned out to be different: among the southern Slavs (hence, in the Old Slavonic language) * t + j > m "; * d + j > jd": * pitja > pi m a; * wodj ь > leader. At Eastern Slavs(hence, in the Old Russian language) * t + j > h "; * d + j > j": * pitja > picha; * wodj ь > vozh.
In the Proto-Slavic language, whole combinations of consonants could also be changed due to the operation of the law of syllabic synharmonism: * sk, * st could not stand before * j. Once in front of him, these combinations changed into a complex sound m ": * iskj et ъ > and m et; * pustja > po m a.
Proto-Slavic combinations *kt, *gt could not be placed before front vowels. If, nevertheless, such a combination arose in the word, then it was subjected to a transformation that took place after the 6th century BC. and therefore in different Slavic languages it had different results: among the southern Slavs * kt, * gt > m ", among the Eastern Slavs * kt, * gt > h": * legti > in old sl. lang. - le m and, in ancient. lang. - treat; * nokt b > in old words. lang. - but m b, in ancient times. lang. - night.
Proto-Slavic combinations * kw, * gw could not be placed before the vowel h, formed from the diphthong (* o, * a). Once in front of h, they changed their quality and turned into combinations * kw > tsv, * gw > sv: * kwo t ъ > tsv h тъ; * gwo zda > sound h zda.
Table No. 1 schematically shows the formation of secondary elements as a result of the law of syllabic vowel harmonism.
Check the pronunciation of vowel sounds in the Cyrillic alphabet.
Some scholars speak not of the two conditions of the second palatalization, but of the second and third palatalization, meaning that the second palatalization is associated with a change in the posterior linguals according to the first condition, and the third - according to the second condition.
Diphthongs form a closed syllable, which contradicts the law of an open syllable, therefore they are monophthongized, i.e. turn into one sound: * e > and; * o > h . See more on this below.
The Proto-Slavic vowel *u turns into ъ, the diphthongic combination * i n forms a closed syllable, monophthongizes and turns into #, after which the second palatalization occurs.
Table No. 1
* g e, i,# , h, b; 2) in verb forms before a, (formed from h, a h- from *e) * z + j |
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* ch(first palatalization: 1) before vowels e, i,# , h, b; 2) in verb forms before a, (formed from h, a h- from *e) |
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* k(first palatalization: 1) before vowels e, i,# , h, b; 2) in verb forms before a, (formed from h, a h- from *e) * k + j * t + j(in the language of the Eastern Slavs) * kt, * gt(before vowels e, i,# , h, b in the language of the Eastern Slavs) |
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* k(second palatalization: 1) before and,h ascending to diphthongs * e, * oi, * a; 2) after # , and, b |
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vowel + nasal consonant n or m |
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Note: Old Slavonic nasal vowels in modern Russian correspond to pure vowels "a and at: *semen > semen# > seed; *zwonkъ > sound@ kj > sound.
Formation of full-vowel and non-vowel combinations
In the Proto-Slavic language there were diphthongic combinations of vowels * o and * e with consonants * r and * l. They could be in the word between consonants. For convenience, it is conventionally accepted that any of the consonants between which these diphthongic combinations were located is denoted by the letter * t. So combinations * or, * ol, * er, * el in the position between consonants look like this: * cake, * tolt, * tert, * telt. In the early period of the Proto-Slavic language, consonants * r and * l in these combinations they had a syllable-forming function, and therefore the diphthongic combination of a closed syllable did not form: * go/ / db, * be/ / za. However, by the VI century, i.e. by the time the Proto-Slavic language broke up into separate language families, consonants * r, * l ceased to be syllable-forming, and diphthongic combinations began to form a closed syllable, since the syllable division passed after the consonant: * gor/ db, * ber/ za. This was contrary to the law of the open syllable. Diphthongic combinations underwent transformation, which proceeded differently in different Slavic languages (since the single Proto-Slavic language ceased to exist and each language family evolved in its own way). Among the southern Slavs, and consequently in the Old Slavonic language, there was a lengthening of the vowel sound with its subsequent rearrangement with a smooth consonant * r, * l: * cake > tort > trot > spend; * tolt > tolt > tlot > tlat;* tert > tert > tret > trht; * telt > telt > tlet > tlht. Among the Eastern Slavs, a smooth consonant was lengthened, however, since the Slavs did not distinguish between consonants in longitude and brevity, this longitude was soon lost, and instead, after a smooth consonant, an overtone of the same vowel developed that stood before * r and * l. Over time, this overtone turned into a full sound: * cake > to t > toraboutt > torot; * tert > tet > teret > teret and under . As a result, the southern Slavs formed discordant ( -ra-, -la-, -rh-, -lh- ), while the Eastern Slavs have full-vowel combinations ().
Table No. 4
Note: - talk about dissonant combinations ( -ra-, -la-, -rh-, -lh-) is possible only if there are parallel full-vowel combinations ( -oro-, -olo-, -ere-, -barely-, -elo-) : enemy - enemy; gold - gold; plhskati - rinse; Wedhyes - middle and under. In this case, these combinations are secondary. For example: city - city; -ra-//-oro-; therefore, the form appeared in the Proto-Slavic language *gord. If there are no parallel forms, then the combinations were primordial, Proto-Slavic: pagehla< * strela.
Proto-Slavic vowel *o a.
Proto-Slavic vowel *e in Old Church Slavonic goes into a vowel h.
Of particular note is the fate of the combination *telt in the language of the Eastern Slavs; the result of its transformation depended on the hardness or softness of the first consonant and consonant * l: if both consonants were hard, then * telt > tolot: * melko ® milk; if both consonants were soft, then * telt > telet: * gelzo ® iron (the back lingual consonant * g before the front vowel, as a result of the first palatalization, turned into g "); if the first consonant was soft, and the consonant * l was hard, then * telt > telot: * chell ъ ® shelom (back-lingual consonant * ch before the front vowel on the first palatalization turned into sh").
Formation of secondary initial combinations
Diphthong combinations *
or, *
ol could be at the absolute beginning of a word before a consonant (in this case they were conditionally designated *
ort, *
olt). After the loss of their syllable-forming function by smooth consonants in the 6th century, diphthongic combinations began to form a closed syllable, which contradicted the law of an open syllable. Therefore, diphthongic combinations underwent a transformation, the result of which depended on the quality of intonation: ascending or descending. With rising intonation in all Slavic languages, the vowel lengthened with its subsequent rearrangement with a smooth consonant: *
or>or >
ra, *
ol>ol >
la. With descending intonation among the southern Slavs, and therefore in the Old Slavonic language, the change was the same as with ascending intonation, while among the Eastern Slavs, when a vowel and a smooth consonant were rearranged, the length of the vowel was lost, and the combination *
or >
ro, and the combination *
ol >
lo.
Table No. 5
Notes
- combinations ra-, la-, ro-, lo- are called secondary initial combinations;
- say that the initial combinations ra-, la-, ro-, lo- secondary, it is possible only in the presence of parallel forms: equal - equal; ra-//ro- *ort (*orwyn); boat - boat; la-//lo-, therefore, they are secondary and go back to *olt (*oldii). If there are no such parallel forms, then the combinations are primordial, Proto-Slavic: army< * ratb.
The fate of combinations * dt , * tt
Combinations * dt, * tt at a syllable division in the Proto-Slavic language, they should have been part of one syllable. In this case, the principle of increasing sonority was violated, i.e. law of the open syllable: the voiced consonant preceded the voiceless ( * dt) or the same consonants were nearby, and the sonority was even ( * tt). Therefore, combinations * dt, * tt changed: they moved into * st: * ple/ tti> weave; *kra/ dti> steal.
Note: combination st in a word it can be secondary: if it alternates with a consonant d *dt; if it alternates with a consonant t, then in its place in the Proto-Slavic era there was a combination *tt; if there are no such alternations, then the combination st primordial: to lead - I lead; st//d, hence the combination st secondary and goes back to *dt (*wedti); revenge - meta; st//t, hence the combination st secondary and goes back to *tt(*metti); carry - carry; combination alternations st neither with a consonant d, nor with a consonant t no, therefore combination st primordial ( *nesti).
The fate of combinations * dl , * tl
Combinations * dl, * tl in the Proto-Slavic language, with a syllable division, they also turned out to be part of one syllable. In the case when smooth consonants did not have a syllable-forming function, in their sonority they approached those consonants next to which they appeared. As a result, the law of the open syllable (the principle of increasing sonority) was violated. the sonority of adjacent consonants turned out to be the same. Therefore, combinations * dl, * tl changed: explosive element was lost * d and * t: * ple/ tlb > plel; *kra/ dlb > kral.
Note: consonant l in a word it can be secondary: if it alternates with a consonant d *dl; if it alternates with a consonant t, then it goes back to the Proto-Slavic combination *tl; if there are no such alternations, then the consonant l original: led - I lead; l//d, hence, l secondary and goes back to the combination *dl (*wedl); chalk - meta; l//t, hence, l secondary and goes back to *tl (* metl); walked - walk; alternations l with d or t no, therefore agreeable l native ( *chodil).
Teaching aid on the historical grammar of the Russian language is designed to help part-time students independently master the subject in the intersessional period. The theoretical part is summary the main issues considered in the course of the historical grammar of the Russian language (for more detailed coverage of a particular issue, see the recommended educational literature). The presentation of the theoretical material is accompanied by examples and tables. The manual contains verification tests on phonetics and morphology; keys to test tasks will allow part-time students to assess how fully and accurately the theoretical material is mastered. At the end of each section are exercises to help students prepare for the test and exam. The manual provides a plan for the morphological analysis of different parts of speech and the order of text analysis, as well as a sample of the analysis of the Old Russian text, which allows students to correctly complete one of the homework assignments. control work and prepare for the exam.
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Exercises recommended for independent work : 1. Collection of exercises on the history of the Russian language /E. N. Ivanitskaya and others: No. 21; 2. Vasilenko I. A. Historical grammar of the Russian language: Sat. exercises: No. 34, No. 46. PHONETICS The sound system of the Old Russian language at the time of the appearance of writing (end of the 10th century - beginning of the 11th century) law - the law of an open syllable and the law of syllabic synharmonism. As a result of the operation of the law of the open syllable, all syllables in the Old Russian language were open, that is, they ended in a vowel sound (the law of the open syllable was terminated approximately by the middle of the 12th century due to the fall of the reduced ones). The law of an open syllable determined the fact that in the Old Russian language there could not be consonants at the end of a word, because in this case the syllable would be closed. The same law determined the limitations in the language of consonant combinations: in the Old Russian language, only groups of consonants, strictly limited in their composition, appeared, consisting mostly of two elements, the first of which was noisy, and the second - sonorant, although there could also be combinations of two voiceless or two voiced noisy consonants. Combinations of three consonants were less common, and in these combinations the sonorant or [v] was always the last element. These groups included [str], [skr], [smr], [skl], [skv], [stv], [zdr]. If several consonants were combined in the middle of a word, then they went to the next syllable (ce/stra). Separately, it is necessary to say about the phenomena of the beginning of the word. Even in the Proto-Slavic language, when the law of an open syllable began to operate, prostheses appeared in front of a number of initial vowels. Thus, [j] appears before the sound [e] (cf. the present tense forms of the verb being – are, are, are, are, are). As a rule, there are no words of Russian origin that begin with the sound [e]: the pronoun this 11 is a neoplasm, and as for interjections like eh, you need to remember that they can contain in their phonetic shell such sounds that are absent in the sound language system (interjections are on the periphery of the language). Words could not begin with [ы] or a reduced sound - already in the Proto-Slavic language in such cases a prosthetic consonant always appeared: before the reduced front row - [j], and before the reduced non-front row and [ы] - [ v] (cf. *udra and modern otter; alternation in the words teach - science - skill). The prothetic consonant [j] appeared before [a], with the exception of those words that, as a rule, were used after a pause - the union a, the interjections ah, ai, the word maybe (in Old Church Slavonic we observe the loss of [j] before [a] , and not only the prosthesis is lost, but also the original [j]). Before the sound [k], a prosthetic sound also develops, and here it could be both [j] and [v] (cf. etymologically related words bonds - to knit). Sometimes a prosthetic consonant also appeared before [o], which among the Eastern Slavs turned into [y] (cf. us - caterpillar). Before [i] there is also a prosthetic consonant [j], but it is not indicated in writing. Basically, words could begin with vowels [o], [u], and in the Old Russian language the number of words with the initial sound [u] increased. It should be noted that at the initial sound [o] with a special intonation, the prosthetic consonant [v] also appeared (cf. father - patrimony, eight - eight). Already after separation from the Proto-Slavic language in East Slavic languages a kind of inter-syllable dissimilation occurs: when in the next syllable there was a front vowel [e] or [i], then on East Slavic soil the initial [j] is lost, and the vowel [e] from the front row moves to the back row, t e. [e] > [o] (cf. from the common Slavic edin- Old Russian odin). This also applied to borrowed names (Evdokia - Ovdotya, Elena - Olena). The law of the open syllable played a huge role in the formation of the phonetic system of the Slavic languages. The law of syllabic vowel harmony was that only the sounds of one articulation could be combined in a syllable: after a soft consonant there could only be a front vowel, and after a hard consonant - a non-front row, and, conversely, before a front vowel there should have been a soft consonant, and before a non-front vowel, a hard consonant. Thus, the action of the law of syllabic synharmonism caused the change of back-lingual consonants before front vowels into hissing (according to the first palatalization) and whistling (according to the second and third palatalizations) consonants. The system of vowel phonemes of the Old Russian language (X-XI centuries) The system of vowel phonemes of the Old Russian language differed from the system of vowels of the modern Russian language in quantitative and qualitative terms. In the development of the Russian language, the system of vowels decreased, while the system of consonant phonemes increased. If in modern Russian there are 6 vowel phonemes (according to the Leningrad phonological school), then in the X-XI centuries. Old Russian had 10 vowel phonemes: 5 in front and 5 in front. In addition to the front vowels [e] and [i] inherent in the modern language, as well as the non-front row [s], [y], [o], [a], there were front vowels [m], [d] and reduced front row [b], reduced non-front row [b]. For the Old Russian language, such a characteristic of vowels as the front and non-front row (according to the formation zone) was very important, since the law of syllabic vowel harmonism continued to operate (in one syllable, a solid consonant could be combined with a non-front vowel, and soft consonant with a front vowel). Also, unlike the modern Russian language, the vowel system of the Old Russian language was characterized by the opposition of vowels of complete and incomplete formation (reduced vowels). The sound [m] differed in the Old Russian and Old Slavonic languages. So, among the Eastern Slavs it was a narrow, closed, medium-high rise sound, and in the Old Slavonic it was a wide, open, middle-low rise. You can learn about the fate of the sound [m] 1) by the reflexes of this sound: later this sound coincided with [e] in Russian (there is no transition e > 'o in the position after a soft consonant before a hard one under stress in modern Russian) , and in Ukrainian - with [and]; on the territory of modern Bulgarian and Macedonian languages, before a hard consonant, in place of this sound, we find [‘a] (cf. Russian bread and Bulgarian bread); 2) according to these monuments - according to the mistakes that scribes made: in ancient Russian written monuments we observe a mixture of the letter h (“yat”) with the letter “e” or, in a later period, with “i”, and in the ancient Glagolitic alphabet (Old Slavic language) we find a mixture with the letter “a etovannye”. Reduced sounds were lost approximately in the second half of the 12th century. (for details, see p.20 - 39). Already by the middle of the X century. Eastern Slavs lost nasal vowels: in a position before a consonant (*menta > mint, *zvonkъ > sound) or at the end of a word (*vermen > time), diphthongic combinations became monophthongized, then the sound [o] coincided in sound with [y], i.e. *on > *[o] > [y], and [e] gave [d] (in modern language ['a]), i.e. *en > *[k] > [d] > ['a]. Thus, nasal sounds were formed from combinations of “vowel and nasal consonant” in the position before the consonant and at the end of the word, i.e. in the position of a closed syllable; in the position before the vowel, these combinations remained unchanged, because. the vowel from this combination went to the previous one, and the consonant to the next syllable, as a result of which all syllables remained open (*zvo|nъ|kъ > bell). Evidence that nasal sounds were lost as early as the 10th century. In the East Slavic languages, there is, for example, the work of the Byzantine emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus “On the peoples”, which contains some East Slavic names of the Dnieper rapids, recorded by Porphyrogenitus as he heard them. The spelling of the names of the rapids Verutzi and Neasit does not convey nasal sounds (cf. Old Slavic spell shchi ‘boiling’ and don’t eat ‘pelican’). The confusion of the letters “yus big” and “yus small” with the letters “uk” and “a etovannye” already in the earliest written monuments (cf. the Ostromir Gospel) also testifies to the loss of nasal sounds in the 10th century. The fact that nasal sounds were known to the East Slavic languages is proved, firstly, by the presence of alternations (Old Russian pozhimati - pozhmu - pozhati (in modern Russian - pozhmat - pozhmu - pozhat); tugyi - thrust (in modern Russian language - tight - thrust): see their explanation. pp.17-18), and secondly, in very early borrowings from Old Russian into Finnish, which never had nasals, nasal vowels were preserved (we do not observe nasal vowels in the corresponding words in Russian: cf. the Finnish word kuontalo 'tow' and Russian tow); thirdly, with the help of correspondences with other languages (dr. rouka, lit. ranka). In the Slavic languages, nasal sounds have been preserved only in Polish and some dialects of Macedonia. Exercises recommended for independent work: 1. Vasilenko I. A. Historical grammar of the Russian language: Sat. exercises: No. 44; 2. Collection of exercises on the history of the Russian language /E. N. Ivanitskaya and others: No. 55, 58. The origin of vowels [a]< 1) *а и *о 2) на месте *е находим не [м], а звук [а] после мягкого согласного в глаголах 4-го класса (кричать); [о] < 1) *а и *o 2) в XII в. в результате падения редуцированных перешел в [о] в сильной позиции редуцированный непереднего ряда из *u; [ы] < *u; [у] < 1) дифтонга *ou (сухой), 2) дифтонга *eu (плюну) 3) о (буду, дубъ) – у восточных славян с середины X в.; [и] < 1) *i (иго), 2) *jь после гласных, 3) дифтонгов *ei, *oi (например, в Им. п. мн. ч. суще- ствительных с основой на *o, в повелительном наклонении глаго- лов I-II классов); [е] < 1) *e (медовый), 2) в XII в. в результате падения редуцированных пере- шел в [е] в сильной позиции редуцированный переднего ряда < *i (день), 3) позднее с [е] совпал также звук [м] < *е (мhлъ >chalk), diphthongs *oi (seed) and *ei (sin). Let us dwell on the history of diphthongic combinations: in the position before a vowel, they were preserved, because this did not contradict the law of the open syllable, but in the position before the consonant and at the end of the word, as a result of the law of the open syllable, diphthongs became monophthongized (*oi > [*i], [*e]; *ei > [*i]; *ou > [*u]; *eu > 15 [*'u]). The origin of this or that sound in most cases can be found out with the help of alternations in the modern Russian language. Exercises recommended for independent work: 1. Collection of exercises on the history of the Russian language / E. N. Ivanitskaya: No. 71; 2. Vasilenko I. A. Historical grammar of the Russian language: Sat. exercises: No. 104 - 110. Alternations in the region of vowels 1. Dry - dry - dry out - hyi - shhnuti - dry up); [y] from the diphthong *ou, which could alternate with its non-syllabic element both long and short *ou // [ *u] // [*u] *ou in the position before the consonant was monophthongized into [y], * u gave [s], and *u is a reduced non-front row, which later moved to [o] in a strong position. You can show this alternation for different periods language: Ind.-Heb. - *ou // [*u] // [*u]; other Russian - [y] // [s] // [b]; modern Russian lang. - [y] // [s] // [o]. 2. Send - ambassador - send *u], and the reduced non-front row - to [*u], i.e. we have a quantitative alternation, which, due to the fall of the reduced ones, was transformed into a three-term alternation [s] // [o] // [o ]. 3. Mouth - mouth In modern Russian, we find the alternation [o] // [o]; therefore, in Old Russian there was an alternation [b] // [b] (b< [*u]): в сильной позиции редуцированный непереднего ряда перешел в [о], а в слабой утратился (рътъ – ръта). 4. Конь – коня 16 Если в современном языке не наблюдаем чередования [е] или [о] / / [o];следовательно, [о] восходит к *o (cр. древнерусск. конь – кон а). 5. Волк – волка В современном языке не наблюдаем беглости гласных, но при анализе подобных примеров необходимо помнить, что в древнерус- ском языке для редуцированных в корне слова между согласными в сочетании редуцированного с плавным была абсолютно сильная позиция (вълкъ – вълка). Следовательно, после падения редуциро- ванных чередования [е] или [о] // [o] не возникало. В данном случае [o] восходит к редуцированному непереднего ряда в сильной пози- ции ([ъ] < [*u]). 6.День – дня В современном языке находим чередование [е] // [о]; следова- тельно, в древнерусском языке (дьнь – дьна) ему соответствовало чередование [ь] // [ь] ([ь] < [*i]): в сильной позиции редуцированный переднего ряда перешел в [е], а в слабой утратился. 7. Леса – лес В современном русском языке не наблюдаем чередования [е] / / [о]; следовательно, [е] не из редуцированного переднего ряда в силь- ной позиции; нет перехода [е] >[‘o] after a soft consonant before a hard one under stress, therefore, [e] is not from [*e]. In this case, [e] goes back to the sound [m], which coincided with [e] when the action of the transition [e] > [‘o] ended (lhsa – lhsb). 8. Honey - honey In modern Russian there is a transition [e] > [‘o] after a soft consonant before a hard one under stress, but there is no alternation with zero sound; therefore, [e] from [*e] (Old Russian honey - honey). 9.Tugoy - to stretch In modern Russian, the alternation of [u] // ['a] is explained by the fact that both sounds go back to diphthongic combinations of vowels with nasal consonants: [u]< [*о] < *on, а [‘а] < [д]< [*к] < *en (в свою очередь чередование *en // *on восходит к древнейшему индоев- 17 ропейскому качественному чередованию [е] // [о]). 10. Пожимать – жму – жать В современном русском языке чередование им // м // ‘а является результатом измененного в следствие падения редуцированных чере- дования [им] // [ьм] // [д] (пожимати – жьму – жати). Данное чередо- вание связано с историей носовых гласных. Перед гласным сочета- ние гласного с носовым согласным сохранялось, т. к. слогораздел делил это сочетание пополам, и ничто не противоречило закону от- крытого слога (в слове жьму редуцированный находился в слабой позиции, и поэтому утратился; [ь] // [и] на ступени удлинения редук- ции: это количественное чередование [*i] // [*i]). Перед согласным же происходилo изменение сочетания гласного с носовым согласным в результате действия открытого слога: *im < [*к] < [д] < [’а]. 11. Нужно различать 1) качественные чередования – чередова- ния гласных, разных по артикуляции (например, [*e] // [*o]) и 2) коли- чественные чередования – чередования по долготе и краткости глас- ных одной артикуляции ([*e] // [*м]). Количественные чередования име- ли ступень редукции, т. е. ослабленную ступень чередующихся глас- ных: ступень краткости ([е] // [о]) - ступень долготы ([м] // [а]) - сту- пень редукции ([ь] // [ъ]) - ступень удлинения редукции([и] // [ы]). Поэтому чередования в древнерусском языке типа беру – бьра- ти – отъборъ – собирати объясняются следующим образом: [е] // [о] – кaчественное чередование на ступени краткости (беру - отъборъ), [е] // [ь] – чередование на ступени редукции (беру - бьрати), ь // и – чередование на ступени удлинения редукции (бьрати - собирати). Подобные чередования можно показать для разных периодов языка: инд.-евр. – [*e] // [*o ] // [*е] // [*о] // [*i] // [*u] // [*i] // [*u]; древнерусск. – [е] // [о] // [м] // [а] // [ь] // [ъ] // [и] // [ы]; совр. русск. яз. – [е] // [о] // [а] // [и] // [ы]. Примечание. Присутствие всех ступеней чередования необя- зательно. На славянской почве индоевропейское чередование [е] // [о] может выступать в виде качественно-количественного чередования [м] // [a] (древнерусск. лhзу – лазити). Звуки [e] и [o] могли входить в состав дифтонгов [*i] < *ei || *oi >[m] and [and] (cf. crown - viti, pour over - pour over 18) or as part of diphthongs *ju< *eu || *ou > [u] (a miracle is a magician, where the former alternation of vowels turned into an alternation of consonants on Slavic soil). 12. Veite – twist In the modern language, we find an alternation of // and: in the position before the vowel, the diphthong *ei was preserved, and before the consonant, as a result of the law of open syllable, the diphthong became monophthongized. 13. Guard - guard - guard The alternation of ere // oro // ra arose as a result of the operation of the law of an open syllable from the combinations *tert, *telt, *tort, *tolt, and in different Slavic languages the syllable was opened in different ways: in In the Old Slavonic language, there was a permutation of the vowel and smooth and lengthening of the vowel sound (*ra is a non-vowel combination), in the West Slavic languages there was also a permutation of the vowel with a smooth, but there was no lengthening of the vowel (*ro), and in East Slavic languages, the vowel before the smooth vowel was preserved, and the opening of the syllable proceeded by developing the same articulation after the smooth secondary vowel (*oro is a full vowel combination). The alternation of oro // ere goes back to the ancient Indo-European qualitative alternation [e] // [o]. Exercises recommended for independent work: 1. Collection of exercises on the history of the Russian language / E. N. Ivanitskaya: No. 78; 2. Vasilenko I. A. Historical grammar of the Russian language: Sat. exercises: No. 41. 3. Dementiev A. A. Collection of tasks and exercises on the historical grammar of the Russian language: No. 5 (a, b), 6. History of reduced sounds 19 Determination of the positions of reduced sounds In the XII century. there was a process of the fall of the reduced ones, which consisted in the loss of the reduced ones in a weak position and their change into [o] and [e] in a strong position. It should be borne in mind that the reduced ones were pronounced differently in the strong and weak positions: by the time they were lost in the weak position, these sounds were pronounced very briefly, and in the strong, on the contrary, they began to approach the vowels of the full formation [o] and [e], which determined their future fate. The ability to correctly determine the positions of the reduced ones is a necessary condition for correct reading and understanding of the text. Weak (it is better to start talking about positions from weak ones, because a strong position is due to the presence of weak ones) positions: 1. the end of a non-single word (house, horse); 2. before a syllable with a vowel of full education (stump, sleep); 3. before a syllable with a reduced one in a strong position (pirts, zhnts, die). Note. There is such a thing as an absolutely weak position (cf. in the words prince, many, when there are no cognate words in which the reduced would stand in a strong position). In such a situation there was a very early loss of the reduced ones. Already in the early written monuments we find the spelling of these words without the reduced one. So, in the inscription on the Tmutarakan stone (1068), the word prince is written without the reduced one. Strong positions: 1. before a syllable in which the reduced is in a weak position (zhnts, vys); 2. in primary first the syllable is under stress, and the prefix often does not affect, because the root syllable is important (revenge is a noun in R. falling singular); 3. in monosyllabic words, excluding prepositions (for example, the pronouns tъ, sy, union нъ) – this position can be considered a variation of the previous one; 4. in combination with a reduced one with a smooth one between consonants at the root of the word, regardless of other conditions (targ, vlk, zrno). 20
The composition of the vowel phonemes of the Old Russian language can be presented in the table:
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non-labialized labialized
The vowel system in the Old Russian language includes 10 phonemes: 6 of them are preserved in modern Russian. The vowels i, e, s, a, y, o have been preserved. All these vowels of the East Slavic language, they acted as independent phonemes.
In the Old Russian language there were 4 phonemes ě ь, ä, ъ, which have lost their meaning.
Among the lost phonemes, ě (narrow) (ѣ-yat) should be noted. This phoneme of the front row, middle rise, which distinguished the words:
village and village
[sěl] [sel]
verb sat noun sat (from village).
In the Old Russian language there were two vowel phonemes of incomplete formation, reduced, weakened vowels ъ (er.) and ь
(yer). [b] - phoneme of the back row, middle rise, approximate
by pronunciation to o (short), and [b] - front row, middle
rise close to [e].
Reduced vowels [b] and [b] had strong and weak positions.
The positions under stress and before the syllable with a weak reduced were strong: [ot'ts - father, son - sleep]
The following provisions were weak: 1) at the end of the word son; 2) in a syllable before a vowel of a complete formation: sleep; c) in a syllable before a strong reduced one: [zhunts - reaper].
In the second half of the 12th century there was a drop of reduced [ъ, ь] in the Old Russian language, i.e. the process, as a result of which [b] and [b] in a strong position passed into [o], [e], and in a weak position disappeared from pronunciation. This process was reflected in the monuments of writing.
In the Old Russian language there were two vowel phonemes [a] - the middle row, [ä] - the front row. The phoneme [ä] appeared in a very limited number of words and evoked the softness of the consonant: [mother m'äti, mal - m'äl, radi - r'äd].
The phonemes [ы], [и] preserved in the Russian language had some differences in the Old Russian language from the modern Russian language. In modern Russian, the phoneme [and] is found at the beginning of a word: game, needle and after soft consonants: l'ipa, d'ivo, m'ir; the phoneme [s] occurs only after solid consonants: skis, jump. This allows some scientists in modern Russian to attribute [ы] and [и] to the same phoneme, i.e. consider them just paired variants of the same phoneme. Whereas in the Old Russian language the phonemes [and], [s] were different phonemes, because in the same position they distinguished words and their forms [cities, kholopy] vin.p., pl. number; [cities, serfs] - im.p., pl. number.
Some vowels could appear at the absolute beginning of the word [and, o, y], and some [b, b, s, a, e, ě, ä] could not be at the beginning of the word. If the vowels [a, ä, e, ě] were at the absolute beginning of the word, then the consonant sound [j] - й - developed before them.
In the Old Russian language, the vowel [o] appeared at the absolute beginning of the word, while in other Slavic languages (in Old Church Slavonic), [e] stood at the beginning of the word. For example, in the Old Russian language: lake, autumn, oshche, one, deer, in Old Slavonic: lake, esen, still, deer, one.
Thus, the vowel phonemes in the Old Russian language were characterized according to three features - according to the degree of language rise - upper, middle-upper, middle, lower; according to labialization (participation of the lips) - labialized and non-labialized, according to the formation zone - anterior and not anterior (middle and back row).
phoneme min. sound unit language, forms or distinguishes words and word forms does not carry any semantics.
sound is the realization of a phoneme in speech (alophone).
26 consonants differed in the way they were formed: stop, fricative (whistling), afrikats (from two consonants), two-focal articulation, continuous consonants (complex) explosives p, b, t, e, k, g, c. fricatives s, z, s, z. primordially soft shch.sh.h. Africans n.c.z. fused shtsh. nasal mn. lateral l l. trembling r r in op c j . middle language j j-controversial.
phoneme f - in words, borrowed. from Greek. language.
10 phonemes hard. soft 5 pairs with zrn l the rest are either hard or primordially soft.
14 muffled ringing 7 steam p-b t-d k-g s-z s-z w-zh shtsh-zhdzh stop. either a call or a deaf stun position was not.
Solid accords, except for the GKH, in front of the head of the front row, received positional softening (semi-soft). GKH could not find in front of the front row Ch. In Russian language, combinations of ge, ke, heh or GB (yat), KB, HB, GI, KI, HI were impossible. Old Russian language distinguishes pairs by ringing / deaf, the absence of a position where the ringing / deaf matched in one sound.
The system of consonant phonemes of the Old Russian language at the beginning of writing (X-XI centuries)
From Indo-European language the Proto-Slavic language inherited a system of consonant phonemes, but initially there was no consonant [x], which arose from *s according to the "rule of the hand", i.e. after the consonants *r, *k and the vowels *u, *i, if not followed further one of the explosive consonants *p, *k, *t: *s > *сh, but was preserved in the combinations [sk], [st], [sp]. The system of consonants of the Old Russian language of the X - XI centuries. differed in many respects from the consonant system of the Old Russian language of a later period and modern language. The difference is observed both in the composition and number of consonants, and in the ratio between consonants.
The system of consonant phonemes of the Old Russian language of the 10th - 11th centuries. was represented by the following consonants:
[f] was absent in the composition of consonants, although in Old Russian texts we find the letters "fert" and "fita", denoting this sound, but the words with this sound are borrowed from Greek. The sound [f] in live colloquial speech was replaced by the sounds [p] or [x], as well as the combination [xv]: Osip instead of Joseph, homa instead of Foma, Khvedor instead of Fedor.
Another was the ratio of hard and soft consonants. So, if in modern Russian most of the consonants form pairs of hardness-softness, then in the Old Russian language of this period, most of the consonants were either hard [p], [b], [m], [c], [t], [d ], [g], [k], [x], or soft [g'], [w'], [h'], [c'], [j]. There were only five pairs of consonants in terms of hardness and softness [s] - [s '], [s] - [s '], [p] - [p '], [l] - [l '], [n] - [ n']. Before the front vowels, hard consonants, except for back-lingual ones, became not soft, but semi-soft. The process of softening semi-soft consonants (secondary softening) was carried out later - approximately in the second half of the 11th century. - and consisted in changing semi-soft consonants before front vowels into soft ones. The results of secondary mitigation were significant not only for the composition of consonants, but also for the structure of the syllable, and for the phonological system of the Old Russian language. The syllable began to be characterized by an even greater convergence of the timbre of consonants and vowels. Such a syllabic structure of the word became the basis for putting forward a hypothesis about the syllabem as a new phonological unit, which characterized the phonological system of the Old Russian language after the secondary softening of consonants to the fall of the reduced ones (the main provisions of the syllabem hypothesis were put forward and developed by R. I. Avanesov).
History of hissing and [c]
In words of Slavic origin, not borrowed from other languages, hissing consonants and [ц] are sounds of secondary origin, because they arose from other sounds as a result of softening before front vowels or the effect of *[j]. These sounds were primordially soft. The history of [zh’], [sh’] and [ts’] in Old Russian lies in their hardening. The question of the hardening time is solved according to the data of written monuments on the basis of writing the corresponding letters denoting hissing sounds and [ts] followed by letters denoting vowel sounds. Undoubtedly, the hardening of the hissing and [ts] is indicated by the spelling zhy, shy, tsy, since such a spelling until a certain period was not characteristic of either Old Slavonic or Old Russian orthography. Approximately the XIV century. sizzling hardened, tk. these sounds are preceded by the transition e>'o (cf. Hedgehog). The sound [ts] hardened approximately by the 16th century, because. there is no e>'o transition before this sound (cf. father).
The soft sound [ts '] in modern dialects is more common (for example, [ts '] is common in a significant part of the Northern Great Russian dialects) than [zh '] and [sh '] (these sounds are known in the Kirov, Ivanovo and some other regions).
The sound [h '] has retained its softness in the Russian literary language, but in the East Slavic languages there is also a hard [h] - in Belarusian language and partly in Ukrainian. Solid [h] is also found in Western Russian and Northern Great Russian dialects.
Merged [sh'h'], [zh'd'] were formed from * stj, *skj, *sk (among the Eastern and Western Slavs - [љ'i'], and among the southern Slavs - [љ't']) and accordingly from *zdj, *zgj, ( - is transmitted by writing railway). Their history lies in the loss of the explosive element and their transformation into long hissing [sh‘] and [zh‘] (cf. the pronunciation of the words pike, reins, rain, yeast etc.).
Intransitive mitigation of back-lingual consonants. History of hissing and c
consonants (w), (g), (h), (c) - primordially soft, unpaired (!); they appeared. in ancient times language under the action (j) or as a result of I, II palatalizations and were inherited by the Russian language. In modern Russian language (w), (g), (c) are always hard, and (h) are always soft. Therefore, the history of hissing (sh), (g) and affricates (c) is the history of their hardening. (sh), (g) and (c) hardened according to the principle of economy of effort (when pronouncing a solid sound, it takes less effort). (h) - in Belarusian, partially in Ukrainian and in some. western and northern Great Russian dialects are solid. letters. sources. the decisive factor is their writing in combination with the subsequent s (which was impossible neither in the Old Church nor in the early Old Russian written tradition). (life, life). Thus, it was established that (w) and (g) harden by the end of the 14th century, and (c) in the 16th century. The hardening of the hissing and (c) did not lead to significant changes in the phonetic system of Russian. language: - its quantitative composition remains the same; - these accord. do not have a pair in terms of hardness / softness. F is a primordially alien sound, borrowed. from Greek: Thomas, Pharisee, etc. G, K, X (rear tongue) occupied their original place in the Rus yaz system, could not be in front of the front row ch. 2 factors: 1) the development of borrowed words 2) the restoration of the back tongue in place of the whistling sound that arose in the cut of the 2nd chamber. Under the influence of other forms, the posterior tongue was restored (nozB (yat), mousB (yat)) Some scientists believe that G', K', X' can only be variants of the phoneme G, K, X. Their mitigation depended on the position. According to another (more correct opinion), G', K', X' must be recognized as self-phonemes, because they were used in borrowed words, in the forms of verbs (weave) Inoyaz words: gyurza, giaur, ditch, Hugo.